Is Citizenship in Australia Simply an Individual's Legal Status Essay

Is Citizenship in Australia Simply an Individual's Legal Status - Essay Example The study will examine the benefits and awards that accompany being an outstanding Australian citizen. Precisely, the study seeks to explore the fact that citizenship is not just a legal status since there is more to it. Citizenship in Australia can be regarded as a legal status in a number of ways. Australian citizenship came into being 26 January 1949 under the Nationality and Citizenship Act of 1948. Before the act, Australian citizens used to be British subjects; they shared a nationality code similar to that in Britain. One of the ways through which a person can become an Australian citizen includes citizenship by birth. In this case, a person becomes an Australian citizen if born before 20 August 1986 or when a person was born after that date, but one of the parents held Australian citizenship (Davis, 1996, p. 76). Legally, a person can also be considered an Australian citizen if born overseas and one of the parents held citizenship of Australia at the time of birth. Moreover, people are eligible to become Australian citizens if they were British subjects residing in Australia for 5years before 26 January 1949. Apart from the fact that Citizenship in Australia is a legal status, it can also be considered a privilege which offers numerous rewards. ... The Young Achievers Award has some objectives which include acknowledging and highlighting the achievements of young persons in Australia. The award also strives to use examples of youth achievement with the ultimate aim of educating the general public. Moreover, the award aims at motivating and encouraging young Australians at all levels in their respective fields (Maton, 1995, p. 41). In a way, the Young Achievers Award helps the young citizens to develop some pride in being citizens of Australia. As a result of the award, Young Australians have the opportunity to build self-confidence, since the rewards enhance excellence. Young citizens receive this award as a way of providing mentors and role models for youth by noticing the pursuit of excellence and the achievements of young people. Moreover, the Young Australians Award has an objective of priding good citizens by encouraging and developing life skills and leadership skills among the youth (Dutton, 2002, p. 17). Another popular award given to Australian citizens includes the Regional Achievements and Community Awards. The award is common in areas of Victoria, New South Wales, Queensland, and Western Australia. Citizens in these regions seek this award with a lot of determination. The award aims at encouraging and paying tribute to individuals, groups, businesses, and communities who make significant contributions to the rural and regional areas. Therefore, the award aims at encouraging those people working in rural areas with an aim of enhancing and supporting commercial, economic, social, and environmental prosperity. This award plays a significant role in recognizing citizens who work extremely hard to develop their respective fields and the

Drexler's World Famous Bar-B-Que Article Example | Topics and Well Written Essays - 1000 words

Drexler's World Famous Bar-B-Que - Article Example The ability to utilize windows of opportunity is a vital factor of success. This paper gives a discussion on factors that enhances Drexler’s existence and its impact on the neighboring population. What role do values play in how Drexler's Bar-B-Que interacts with its neighbors and customers? Values are essential in the advancement of any organization and, they are of particular interest to Drexler. The business has specific values for both the business and the surrounding population. The business also has value for family membership and participation. This indicates that Drexler values family ties among its different stakeholders. The different values that Drexler have on its business play vital roles that determine interactions between the business and its environment. The effects or benefits of Drexler’s value have a cumulative effect that has helped to sustain the bar-b-que business at a competitive edge. Firstly, the business has values for its heritage. Its heritag e included unique recipes and value for conservative taste for their products. These values have enabled the business to retain its originality despite the numerous transformations that it has gone through. In addition to the maintenance of originality, the value for heritage enabled Drexler to be identified among its competitors. The value also promoted a sense of uniqueness that made customers to identify themselves with the business. This value ensured that the memory of the business and its bar-b-que remained in customers’ minds despite the numerous times that the business closed down. This value promoted customers service or the value of customers to the business. Unlike other competing businesses, Drexler had value for its customers. Value for its customers is demonstrated through the impeccable services offered to customers who visit the restaurant. In addition to the quality services, customers to the business were treated with high degree of respect and appreciation. Value for customer enabled Drexler to attract and retain dedicated and loyal customers. The ability to attract large number of loyal customer has enabled the business to rise to success. Customer value also enabled Drexler to have continuous and lucrative business in a highly competitive food industry. Drexler value for customers created and maintained a warm relationship between the business and its customers. This guaranteed the business a constant supply of customer despite the various options for bar-b-que. This factor was of particular interest during the numerous occasions that the business had to re-open after a close down. The ability to maintain customers was promoted by the fact that the business had high value for quality products. Drexler invested in producing quality bar-b-que through their highly researched secret recipes. The recipes that were used in the restaurant had been tested and tried throughout the entire duration that the business was in operation. Offering high quality products remained as the sole secrete of the business’ success. The business’ success was also heavily determined by its interaction with the immediate external environment. Drexler maintained a good relationship with its neighborhood that enabled it to create and maintain a competitive business. Unlike other businesses, Drexler also had value for its competitors. This enabled the business managers to learn useful skills from their competitors and methods they could use in order to remain in

Mills Sociological Imagination On Individual Problems

Mills Sociological Imagination On Individual Problems Mills (1959) talks of a sociological imagination when looking at the problems of the individual. How might this sociological imagination assist social workers? How might sociological theories offer useful insights into the socially constructed nature of many of the contemporary social problems encountered by social workers? Do this by reference to a contemporary social problem that social workers may have to work with. This paper will explore Mills theory of a sociological imagination when looking at the problems of the individual, and explain how this theory might assist social workers. The focus will then turn to poverty as a contemporary social problem encountered by social workers. Poverty will be explored and discussed by reference to how sociological theories (Marxism, Functionalism and Feminism) offer useful insights into the socially constructed nature of poverty. C. Wright Mills (1916 62) was, according to Cunningham (2008, p7) a flamboyant American sociologist. Slattery (1991, p210) claims his aim was to reform society as much as explain it, to popularise sociology and develop a sociological imagination amongst the American public. Matthewman (2007, p91) explains that a sociological imagination requires a special quality of mind. When we process it we are able to see links between biography and history, to see how the personal relates to the public, and the individual to the structural. Matthewman is supported by Leon-Guerrero (2005, p14). By continuing to develop a sociological imagination and recognising the larger social, cultural and structural forces, we can identify appropriate measures to address social problems. Cunningham (2008) explores this using an example of a person suffering from depression after losing their job. Without recognising factors outside of the personal (such as the current economic or political conditions), the p roblem cannot not be sufficiently understood, addressed or resolved. Consequently failure to develop a sociological imagination could result in judgements or assumptions being made upon the failure of the individual, rather than societal structures. Stepping back to see the bigger picture can avoid granted assumptions, labels or ones personal values coming into play. Finally, Cunningham (2008, pg7) argues that learning to think sociologically is one of the most important skills a social worker can bring to their practice. Poverty is a long standing social problem and one which is prevalent among service users. This is supported by Smale et al. (2000, p18) who claims those who use, and are required to use, social work services continue overwhelmingly to be poor and disadvantaged. Despite this, social workers have been criticised about their knowledge of the effects and origins of poverty and lack of awareness regarding societal structures in relation to poverty. Becker (1997) cited in Cunningham (2008, p47) claims social workers have little understanding of the complex processes that generate and maintain poverty; they have limited insight into how their political and welfare ideologies and attitudes to poverty affect their daily practice with poor people; they have failed to place poverty on the agenda for social work theorising, education, policy and practice. Krumer-Nevo et al. (2009, p225) writing for the Journal of Social Work Education agrees and argues that despite the profound commitment of soc ial work towards people living in poverty, the social work profession has failed to develop practice based on awareness of poverty. To measure poverty, it first it has to be defined. There is no universal agreement regarding how to define poverty, although Cunningham (2008) and Leon-Guerrero (2005) describe two main methods used, Absolute and Relative poverty. Absolute poverty constitutes a lack of basic necessities such as, food, shelter and clothing. It refers to a lack of physical needs and is more like to be found in third world countries. Relative poverty was developed by Peter Townsend. It focuses on the inequalities in society. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p224) states that it is based on the premise that some people fail to achieve the average income and lifestyle enjoyed by the rest of society. Relative poverty is a widely accepted definition in developed countries and is used by the government in the UK. The Poverty Site (2009) confirms that the (UK) governments target of halving child poverty by 2010 is defined in terms of relative poverty. Moulder (2000, p2) confirms that sociologists came to define social pr oblems as problems that concern large numbers of people, have social-structural causes, and require social-structural solutions. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p3) explains first, a problem is a social condition that has negative consequences. If there were only positive consequences, there would be no problem. Poverty has many negative consequences personally and structurally. Poverty is more than a lack of money. According to a report by the Department of Work and Pensions (2009, p2) research about the impact that poverty can have on peoples lives shows that the experience of poverty is almost always overwhelmingly negative, and can have psychological, physical, relational and practical effects on peoples lives. Moreover, poverty is a highly stigmatised social position and the experience of poverty in an affluent society can be particularly isolating and socially damaging. Beresford et al. (1999) concurs with the Department of Work and Pensions findings. Additionally, the media often report on links between poverty and health, educational attainment, teenage pregnancies, anti-social behaviour, mental health and social exclusion. All of which have a negative impact and consequence upon society. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p3) informs that a social problem has objective and subjective realities. A social condition does not have to be personally experienced by every individual in order to be considered a social problem. The objective reality of a social problem comes from acknowledging that a social condition does exist. It must be recognised at an agency (individual) level as having negative consequences for those who experience it. Poverty is apparent at an agency level in society: local clothing banks, annual Children In Need appeal; deprived areas we may have seen or live near, Big Issue sellers, seeing the homeless or beggars on the street, and in the media (reality documentaries such as The Secret Millionaire). Leon-Guerrero (2005, p6) addresses the subjective reality. The subjective reality of a social problem addresses how a problem becomes defined as a problem. It is defined by powerful groups in society (politicians, religious leaders, pressure groups, the media or even gr assroots). As noted earlier, the UK government has defined poverty as a social problem. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p6) states, they become real only when they are subjectively defined or perceived as problematic. Recognising the subjective aspects of social problems allows us to understand how a social condition may be defined as a problem by one segment of society, but be completely ignored by another. Cunningham (2008, p33) explains that in the 1980s and 1990s Conservative ministers used absolute definitions to refute claims that Britain had a significant poverty problem and that their policies had led to increased levels of poverty. The problem was defined away. This paper will now explore functionalism, Marxism, radical and liberal feminism. Functionalism was developed by Emile Durkheim (1858-1917) and further developed by Talcott Parsons. Functionalism views society on a macro scale. Slattery (1991, p63) uses a biological metaphor to explain Functionalism. It functions like any other natural organism as a system of independent parts the economy, the family, the government and so on held together by not a central nervous system but a central value system, a set of sociological guidelines called norms based on underlying moral consensus, or collective consciousness. Matthewman (2007) asserts functionalists view society as a complex system, involving a vast array of political, economic and social roles, all of which play an essential part in ensuring society functions and continues to develop. Consensus is at the heart of this theory. It assumes individuals are socialised to fit in, taught the norms of society, primarily by the family unit, secondly by educational institutions, peers, the workplace, and wider society. Le on-Guerrero (2005) claims social problems are not considered in terms of how severe they are, but how the problem arises from society, and whether it serves a function. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p228) argues that poverty is seen as a natural consequence of system stratification. This refers to rapid changes that took place in society economically and technologically. It created a workforce that was unskilled for the new economy. Functionalists believe inequalities within the workforce are inevitable. Social status, wealth and power is earned, rewarded and deserved, through skill and hard work. Davis and Moore (1945) cited in Best (2005, p29) support this, stating social inequality is thus an unconsciously evolved device by which by which societies ensure that the most important positions are conscientiously filled by the most qualified persons. A well-known writer from the political right perspective H. J. Gans (1971, p1-5) explores how poverty may exist to serve positive functions for society. Some of these include: the poor perform work others do not wish to do; they provide employment for the professionals that service them; activities such as drugs, pawn shops and prostitution continue to prosper; they serve as scapegoats (the honest and hard working can accuse them of being dishonest, lazy and scroungers); also poverty acts as a measuring tool in terms of status for the non-poor. However, Gans suggests that many of the functions served by the poor could be replaced if poverty were eliminated, but almost always at a higher cost to others, particularly more affluent others. He believes that a functional analysis must conclude that poverty persists not only because it fulfils a number of positive functions but also because many of the functional alternatives to poverty would be quite dysfunctional for affluent members. Ga ns believes poverty will be eliminated only when it becomes dysfunctional for the affluent or powerful, or when the powerless can obtain enough power to change society. Interestingly, Gans states his aim with this paper was, to show functionalism is not an inherently conservative approach, but that it can be employed into liberal and even radical analyses. The social construction of poverty from a functionalist perspective is seen as natural and beneficial for the affluent and society, or at least parts of it. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p228) supports this assertion. Functionalists observe that poverty is a product of our social structure. Functionalists do not inherently agree with poverty, they acknowledge it has functions as well dysfunctions but recognise that it has a role to play in the structure of society. They strongly believe power and wealth is earned through skill and hard work, not everyone has the talent to succeed, therefore, inequality and poverty is inevitable. The poor are seen as flawed, marked out from the rest of society, deviant and non-conforming. The current recession in the UK which has forced many more into poverty would, from a functionalist perspective, be viewed as a natural temporary occurrence. The role of a functionalist social worker would be to support individuals to get back into their role ensuring the smo oth running of society. Karl Heinrich Marx (1818-93) was one of the key influences in sociology according to Slattery (1991). Marxism is a conflict theory, which like functionalism, views society on a macro scale. However, they argue that poverty is the consequence of a capitalist society; it is constructed due to an unequal distribution of power and wealth. The main thread of the Marxist argument is that conflict exists between the classes: the bourgeoisie (who own the capital) and the proletariat (who provide the labour). Giddens (2006, p16) explains capital is any asset, including money, machines or even factories, which can be used or invested to make future assets. Giddens (2006, p16) asserts the bourgeoisie own their means of a livelihood, whereas the proletariat are wage-labour. The proletariat must seek employment from the bourgeoisie, who form a ruling class over the mass proletariat population. Payne (2005, p228) claims capitalism is an economic system in which a few people accumulate capital to i nvest in producing goods and others sell labour to them for wages. The profit earned by the bourgeoisie is seen as exploitation of the proletariat. Moreover, the bourgeoisie create a false consciousness controlling the media, policies, laws, religion and education, influencing and shaping the proletariats norms and values, idealising how society thinks. This false consciousness leads the proletariat to believe economic inequality is fair and just. This is supported by Best (2005) and Taylor et al. (2002). The most crucial point is the relationship between the two classes. Giddens (2006) explains that although each class is dependant on the other this dependency is not balanced. Giddens (2006, p16) explains the relationship between classes is an exploitative one, since workers have little or no control over their labour and employers are able to generate profit by appropriating the product of workers labour. Hilary Searing (2007) writes from a radical social work perspective. In an article Poverty in the Big Issue written for the Barefoot Social Worker website, Searing claims poverty is structurally constructed and the consequence of a modern capitalist society. Poverty and inequality seem to be an intrinsic part of modern capitalism. She criticises the government suggesting that poverty has been ignored in order to achieve economic prosperity. This Labour government, by continuing the neoliberal, modernising agenda of the previous government, regards poverty and inequality as the inevitable price to be paid to maintain competitiveness in the global economy. Like Marxists, Searing believes social class is a major factor. The social class a child is born into is a major determinant of their life chances. Searing believes social workers patch the cracks regarding poverty, rather than tackling the real structural cause. The government assumes that social workers can deal with poverty withou t tackling the underlying causes. Searing believes Labour demean social-structural causes, consequently placing the onus of poverty upon the individual. She states the government chooses to minimise the part played by social and economic factors, outside the control of the individual, in causing poverty and implies that in most cases personal inadequacy is at the root of peoples failure to remain independent and self-supporting. In summary, Marxists believe poverty is constructed by social structures; society fails the poor and the abolition of capitalism in favour of communism is the solution. According to Giddens (2006) Marxists believe revolution among the proletariat to overthrow the bourgeoisie is inevitable, and that it will bring about a new classless society. Giddens (2006, p17) explains Marxists do not consider inequality would be eliminated. Rather, that society would no longer be split into a small class that monopolises economic and political power and the large mass of people who benefit little from the wealth their work creates. Marxists would argue that the current recession was caused by greed and unethical risk taking amongst the bourgeoisie, and the proletariats will be left to bear the real costs. Cunningham (2008) argues that Marxists see social workers as agents of social control on behalf of the state, acting in the interests of the bourgeoisie. Their motive for helping people is to get them back into the work force. They believe that much of social work is around control, surveillance and assigning blame upon individuals. Payne (2005, p231) echoes Cunningham suggesting social workers are seen agents of class control enhancing the oppression by capitalist societies of the working class. They simply enable the capitalist system to reproduce itself in the next generation by helping people to cope with the difficulties of the system. Poverty is of particular relevance to feminist theories since Taylor (2002, p179) claims women are more likely to experience poverty than men. In an article for the BBC News website (2008) entitled Womens Low Pay Behind Poverty, womens pay was seen to be a major cause. The TUC said that mothers were being trapped in part-time, low-paid jobs. More than 75% of part-time workers were female. The gender pay gap for full-time workers was 17.2%. In the same article, TUC general secretary Brendan Barber asserts as 40% of households are now headed by single mothers, this has concerning implications for tackling child poverty. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p145) claim household incomes are not distributed equally. Women tend to have smaller independent incomes than men and there is no guarantee that they will share fully the income of their husbands or partners. Additionally, women are less likely to have occupational pensions and income from investments; married women are less likely to work than married men; more women than men rely on benefits as their main source of income; lone parents are vulnerable to poverty, and a large majority are women. The majority of pensioners are also women. Glendinning and Miller cited in Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p145) claim women are more likely to live in poverty than men because they are viewed as secondary workers, their primary role is seen as domestic and they are less important than that of their husbands so they are not expected to earn a family wage. Moreover, women are disadvantaged in access to social security benefits. Only 60 per cent of women are entitled to maternity leave and many women care for sick and elderly relatives, yet they receive very small state allowances for doing so. This intermittent and often part-time employment of women leaves many illegible for unemployment benefit and redundancy pay. Moreover, within the household men command more of the family resources (of money, of food, of space and so on) an d this is legitimised by their status as breadwinners. Hill writing for The Observer (2009) suggests women suffer financially after divorce, while men become richer. She argues his available income increases by around one third. Women, in contrast, suffer severe financial penalties. Regardless of whether she has children, the average womans income falls by more than a fifth and remains low for many years. There are varying perspectives of feminism, the main three being liberal, radical and Marxist. According to Trevithick (2005) while there are differing perspectives they generally agree on certain principles. The main aim is gender equality; however, they differ on the cause and solution to this problem. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p592) state most radical feminists broadly share the same aim as Marxists and liberal feminists they seek equality between the sexes rather than dominance. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p592) state radical feminists see society as patriarchal it is dominated and ruled by men. According to Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p602) Kate Millet was one of the first radical feminists to use the term. Giddens (2006, p471) argues from this perspective men are responsible for and benefit from the exploitation of women and that patriarchy is viewed as a universal phenomenon that has existed across time and cultures. Leon-Guerrero (2005, p230) claims feminist scholars argue the welfare state is an arena of political struggle. The drive to maintain male dominance and the patriarchal family is assumed to be the principal force of shaping the formation, implementation, and outcomes of the U.S. welfare policy. In the UK, the preservation of marriage and the nuclear family is on the political agenda. Gentlemen (2009) writing for The Guardian claims the Conservatives say marriage is key to addressing social breakdown. They also propose rewarding married co uples. Bingham (2009) in the Daily Telegraph alleges the Tories are proposing tax breaks for married couples which would allow women who stay at home to pass on their allowance to their husband. Abramovitz (1996) cited in Leon-Guerrero (2005, p230) claims that welfare has historically served to distinguish between the deserving poor (widows with children) and the undeserving poor (single and divorced mothers). For instance, Margaret Thatcher condemned single mothers in the 1980s. According to the Workers Liberty website (2007) she once infamously proposed cutting all benefits to single mothers, stating that they should live in Salvation Army hostels or give up their children for adoption if their own families wouldnt support them. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p592) allege the family is often seen by radical feminists as the key institution producing womens oppression in modern societies. Giddens (2006, p471) supports this stating radical feminists often concentrate on the family as one of the primary sources of womens oppression in society. They argue that men exploit women by relying on the free domestic labour that women provide in the home. As a group, men also deny women access to positions of power and influence in society. Firestone (1970), a radical feminist cited in Cunningham (2008, p96) claims womens inferiority is linked to their biological sex. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, p471) explore this further suggesting men control womens role in reproduction and child-rearing. Because women are biologically able to give birth to children, they become dependant materially on men for protection and livelihood. Most importantly this biological inequality is socially organised within the nuclear family. Giddens (2006) argues that not all radical feminists agree with Firestone, but rather believe that it originates from culture and socialisation. Haralambos and Holborn (1995, 592) argue that radical feminists believe that gender equality can only be attained by overthrowing the patriarchal order. Giddens (2006, p592) asserts that many radical feminists reject the assistance of males in reaching their aim, because men are seen as the enemies of womens liberation. In contrast, Liberal feminists according to Cunningham (2008) agree that equality should be more equal between men and women. However, unlike radical feminists they do not believe that patriarchy is the cause of womens oppression. Giddens (2006, p468) claims that liberal feminists look for explanations of gender inequalities in social and cultural attitudes. Cunningham (2008, p97) agrees with Giddens but probes deeper stating the roots of womens oppression lie with the irrational prejudice, stereotyping and outdated attitudes and practices that lead to sex discrimination occurring in all spheres of life. Like radical feminists they believe the family is oppressive to women. Women are expected to play the social role of wife and mother along with carrying sole responsibility for the household chores that go with it. Cunningham (2008, p97) believes it is an ideology that is perpetuated by the media and popular culture. A womens role is laid out before her, she is not free to find their own fulfilment. Life opportunities are not equal to that of mens. Dunne, Kurki and Smith (2009) assert that economic insecurity is believed to exist due to gender inequality. Women are disproportionately located at the bottom of the socioeconomic scale in all societies. Womens disproportionate poverty cannot be explained by market conditions alone; gendered role expectations about the economic worth of womens work and the kinds of tasks that women are expected to do contribute to their economic insecurity. In terms of addressing equality Giddens (2006, p470) claims liberal feminists tend to focus their energies on establishing and protecting equal opportunities for women through legislation and other democratic means. Haralambos and Holborn (1995) explain how liberal feminists supported the Sex Discrimination and Equal Pay Act, hoping these would help to end discrimination. They believe gradual change can be brought about within the existing social structure. Cunningham (2008, p98) states they would also support further female representation and involvement in politics by the introduction of women-only shortlists. Liberal feminists are modest in how they aim to bring about change, through anti-discriminatory legislation rather than overthrowing the system like radical feminists. Finally, Cunningham (2008, p99) points out that liberal feminists believe nobody benefits from gender discrimination. Women lose out on the ability to develop their talents, business loses out because it fails to harness the potential and ability of 50% of the population, and men lose out because they are denied the opportunity to develop close ties with their children. This paper has sought to explore how Mills theory of a sociological imagination may assist social workers when considering the problem of an individual, and how three grand sociological theories can offer useful insights into the socially constructed nature of poverty. To conclude, this paper shall consider the use of those theories upon social work practice. Cree (2000, p7) asserts sociology offers social work the opportunity to explore meanings beneath taken-for-granted assumptions about behaviour, action and social structure. It offers a knowledge and value base which is not rooted in individual pathology but instead seeks to understand individuals in the context of the broader structures that make up their lives (including social class, gender, age, race, and ethnicity) and the historical movement within which they are living. Sociology provides competing theories that offer differing perspectives to explain the emergence, existence and persistence of poverty. Moreover, they can raise awareness of oppression and disadvantage that may be constructed in social structures. Cree (2000, p208) confirms that inequality and oppression exist at both individual and structural levels. Dominelli (2002) argues that practitioners who follow emancipatory approaches seek to achieve anti-oppressive practice by focusing on the specifics of a situation in a holistic manner and mediating between its personal and structural components. To obtain this impact, social workers and their clients develop clear goals to pursue and use networking and negotiation techniques to secure change. Change usually occurs at the micro-level where interpersonal relationships are the target of the intervention(s). Such an approach could be, as suggested by Cunningham (2008, p48) task-centred. This approach offers a very practical model which is potentially very empowering. The service user decides which areas they should like to work on. Practice is based on the premise that the service user will work in partnership with the social worker and learn new methods that will equip them in the future. In this sense, workers could adopt a very practical way to address some aspects of poverty. However , Cunningham warns perhaps this still doesnt go far enough, as this method of practice is based upon an individual approach and doesnt address the bigger picture. Possibly combining task-centred working with other more radical methods of working might address this. Dominelli (2002, p86) agrees with Thompson, and suggests if poverty is causing personal hardship, institutional (meso-level) and/or societal (macro-level) changes may be required alongside endeavours aimed at helping the individual to control its deleterious effect on his or her life. Feminist and Radical methods of practice both focus on the bigger picture. According to Drakeford (2008, p310) radical social work, essentially Marxist in persuasion, suggested that alliances could be formed between clients in social welfare which would allow for vested interests to be challenged and authority to be redistributed from the powerful to the powerless. Trevithick (2005, p284) states that this approach emphasises the importance o f social, economic and political solutions to social problems, thereby shifting the onus of blame from the individual without denying responsibility. This involves social workers challenging the social structures that oppress and discriminate. Trevithick (2005, p285) claims that practitioners who work from a radical/progressive/activist perspective are passionately committed to the issue of social justice and to working alongside people from disadvantaged groups in order to initiate change. Feminist social work, according to Dominelli and MacLeod (1989, p1) is informed by a feminist analysis of social problems. Dominelli and MacLeod (1989, p.23) assert the feminist approach has focussed on identifying the specific ways in which women experience their existence; drawing peoples attention to the lack of resources, power and emotional fulfilment which hold women down; exposing the social relations and social forces responsible for creating their state of affairs; and placing the plight of women firmly on the agenda for social change. Dominelli (2008, p113) suggests feminist social work practice is also relevant to children and men. This is echoed by Cree (2000). A limitation, according to Trevithick (2005, p282) is that most women experience additional oppressions, such as discrimination in relation to class, race, age, disabilities, sexual orientation, culture and religious beliefs. And that these additional oppressions are not always given sufficient weight. Cree (2000, p209) informs that sociology may not be able to provide social work practitioners with answers, but the questions themselves lead to the potential development of sensitive, anti-oppressive practice. This is because all theories, ideas and practices are based on a particular set of political and moral principles. We therefore have to make choices about what theories we believe are most useful, and what actions we think are most helpful (or perhaps least damaging) for those with whom we are working. Social work is fundamentally about values and about value-judgements. Sociological knowledge can provide us with a framework for anti-discriminatory, anti-oppressive practice, by giving us the analytical tools with which to begin to explore the relationship between individuals and society. Mills (1959, p8) personal troubles and public issues. Cree (2000, p5) argues sociology and social work construct the individual. It is also for this reason that social workers need a sociologi cal imagination. Additionally, social works central purpose is to work on behalf of society to help those individuals and groups who are vulnerable and marginalised. If a service users problem exists due to structural of inequalities in society, and a social worker fails to make such a connection, they risk blaming the individual/group, perpetuating the oppression and discrimination already felt by social structures. Consequently, social workers need to have an awareness of the discrimination and oppression some people or groups face in society and be guarded not to perpetuate assumptions, labels or blame. Thompson (2005, p137) claims oppressive practice can happen through naÃÆ' ¯vetà © or ignorance: failing to recognise significant issues of inequality and thus exacerbating them by not addressing them. And by reinforcing stereotypes: jumping to conclusions about a particular individual without actually assessing their circumstances. Therefore, by developing and using our sociol ogical imagination and by being aware and open to theoretical perspectives and approaches to practice, we can take necessary steps to guard against anti-oppressive and anti-discriminatory practice.

Running From Cops :: essays research papers

Parties and Cops, name a better combo? Running from the cops isn't a very "healthy" experience, but it is by far one of the more bizarre and exciting things I've ever gone through. I can't say I wouldn't like to go through it again, but at the same time my "Ego" seems to suppress my "Id" on this one. I don't exactly know the single reason for my desire to repeat such a treacherous event, but my analytical mind definitely comes up with a few logical conclusions. I like treating this experience and the events around it like a short story. The setting is a warm summers night in a rich neighborhood of Avon Connecticut. Avon is the town in which my cousin Seth resides. The characters in the story are myself, Seth, Mike, John, and John's reluctant girlfriend Sarah. The introduction is Seth and I sittingin the family room of his parent's newly renovated house. Crisis number one, I turn to Seth, "Hey what are we going to do tonight?" "I don't know let me make some phone calls, it's barely eight fifteen, not much starts till 9:30." I can't remember if it was the mochacinno I had just downed, or my general impatient nature, but I was fidgeting uncontrollably to get out of that coarse family room and out to some party. To my excitement however, Seth was extremely resourceful and one phone call was all it took before we were off, burning rubber at 65 mph in his swift Honda Accord. In a few minutes time I found myself sitting on a sticky seat at a nearby McDonalds. Cheeseburger in hand and mouth I was trying to make conversation with both Seth's friends and my stomach, which both seemed very interested in talking to me. At this point in the story our party is ten people strong. Because I am not from the area I find myself doing most of the listening and little of the talking. The girls in the group hold most of the conversati on, which consists largely of gossip revolving around who's having sex with who (not in those words), and about some large party at one of their friend's houses. The first crisis is finally solved when the group decides to "stop by" the party. My better judgment dissects "stopping by" as more like getting really drunk, passing out and waking up the next morning.

Politics of Plato and Aristotle Essay

Plato and Aristotle are variably considered as some of the greatest political thinkers and philosophers the world has ever produced. It is worth noting that at one time Aristotle was a student of Plato therefore their political thoughts are almost similar yet there exists great discrepancies in their teachings. Nevertheless despite the fact that their thoughts were coined in the 4th century they still remain popular even today. In many history circles these two great political philosophers are regarded in different ways based on their political and philosophical view. Whilst Plato is variably regarded as the â€Å"first writer of political philosophy†, Aristotle on his part is considered to be the first political scientist. (Landman T 34) Abstract reason that was based on moral knowledge was the ground within which Plato based his theories making a departure from Aristotle who based his theories on experience where he envisaged applying them on concrete living. Within the political teachings of Plato the most central theme or discourse is the Republic which primarily deals with the soul that describes justice as the definitive human form. According to Plato, Justice is central to the establishment and the eventual strengthening of the regime attaining happiness in the process. For Plato a perfect society is the focal point, and in his book ‘The Republic†, he strives to create an outline of a society that is utopian in nature disregarding the tension of political life. In this outline he therefore sought to achieve a perfect society where present inherent problems are eased by curing the human personality and the society at large. According to Plato, politics is regarded as an attempt by man to bring orderliness or disorderliness in the regime or his social life. To bring order and law in the society politics is regarded as the main means to achieve this end because the Republic is a political. (Landman T 38) Aristotle on the other hand expressed his political thoughts through his writing, Politics. Unlike Plato his concern is more directed towards the regime rather than the individual and justice is the highest goal. Ultimately according to him people must live together leading to a more united regime, thus the family is highly stressed in his philosophy because this is where people originate from. Two main fields define Aristotle’s political science and include ethics and political philosophy. (Landman T 41) The politician’s task according to Aristotle is to give laws and to tailor the regime’s constitution, after this the next pertinent step for the politician is to sustain and maintain this constitution to ensure the political system is maintained. Aristotle was on the view that the regime makes up what is called a community which is generally established for some particular good. (Keyt D. & Miller, F 69) Both Aristotle and Plato had different views about appropriate leadership to govern the regime. For Aristotle the most beneficial leadership for the regime is a kingship, which is followed by Aristocracy, then Polity, Democracy, Oligarchy and finally Tyranny as its extreme. (Lord C 122). However according to Plato the highest or the most beneficial is the Timocracy which is followed by Oligarchy, then Democracy and Tyranny at the bottom. Plato had a more pessimistic view of the change in regime which he regarded as a linear circumstance that is uncontrollable which is always deteriorating. Thus a regime can never improve in any way. Aristotle on the other hand is of a divergent opinion that is optimistic and considers change as a non-linear progression that can sometimes go from worse to better and vice- versa, where the regime has a probability of rehabilitating itself.

Role of Women in Ancient Egypt

Thesis: Women in Ancient Egypt had numerous amounts of roles during Ancient History. What was the Role of a Woman in Ancient Egypt? I. Legal Rights of an Egyptian Woman A. Equal with men 1. Right to possess property and dispose of it 2. Often added threats and curses against people who tried to violate their rights B. Divorce 1. A letter describing how a man announced his intention to divorce his wife. 2. Women kept their own property C. Property 1. Sell, Buy Own. 2. Leave it to whomever she wanted. D.Legal Rights in Open Court 1. Right to bring lawsuits against anyone 2. Won legal cases without gender-bias II. Jobs A. Female Rulers 1. Ahhotep a. Wife of Segnenre-Taa and mother of Kamose and Ahmose b. Presented with the Order of Valor and venerated as the mother of the heroes 2. Ahmose-Nefertari a. Sister and wife of King Ahmose the First b. Presented with patron deities of the villages 3. Queen Tiye a. Wife of Amenhotep the Third and mother of Akhenaten b. Became Royal Wife favored by the King . Nefertiti a. Wife of Akhenaten b. Supported her husband and all his reforms, gave him 6 daughters 5. Nefertari a. Wife of Ramesses the Second b. Had the most beautiful tomb in the Valley of the Queens B. Enslavement 1. Hired themselves 2. Served for royalty C. Medicine III. Role of Women A. Child Care B. Senior Women in Charge if Household shopping C. Servants IV. Marriage A. Right to decide official Marriage B. Becoming Pregnant gained respect C. First duty was to be a good wife and mother

How to Calculate Standard Deviation

How to Calculate Standard Deviation Standard deviation (usually denoted by the lowercase Greek letter ÏÆ') is the average or means of all the averages for multiple sets of data. Standard deviation is an important calculation for math and sciences, particularly for lab reports. Scientists and statisticians use standard deviation to determine how closely sets of data are to the mean of all the sets. Fortunately, its an easy calculation to perform. Many calculators have a standard deviation function, however, you can perform the calculation by hand and should understand how to do it. Different Ways to Calculate Standard Deviation There are two main ways to calculate standard deviation: population standard deviation and sample standard deviation. If you collect data from all members of a population or set, you apply the population standard deviation. If you take data that represents a sample of a larger population, you apply the sample standard deviation formula. The equations/calculations are nearly the same with two exceptions: for the population standard deviation, the variance is divided by the number of data points (N), while for the sample ​standard deviation, its divided by the number of data points minus one (N-1, degrees of freedom). Which Equation Do I Use? In general, if youre analyzing data that represents a larger set, choose the sample standard deviation. If you gather data from every member of a set, choose the population standard deviation. Here are some examples: Population Standard Deviation- Analyzing test scores of a class.Population Standard Deviation- Analyzing the age of respondents on a national census.Sample Standard Deviation- Analyzing the effect of caffeine on reaction time on people ages 18 to 25.Sample Standard Deviation- Analyzing the amount of copper in the public water supply. Calculate the Sample Standard Deviation Here are step-by-step instructions for calculating standard deviation by hand: Calculate the mean or average of each data set. To do this, add up all the numbers in a data set and divide by the total number of pieces of data. For example, if you have four numbers in a data set, divide the sum by four. This is the mean of the data set.Subtract the deviance of each piece of data by subtracting the mean from each number. Note that the variance for each piece of data may be a positive or negative number.Square each of the deviations.Add up all of the squared deviations.Divide this number by one less than the number of items in the data set. For example, if you had four numbers, divide by three.Calculate the square root of the resulting value. This is the sample standard deviation. See a worked example of how to calculate sample variance and sample standard deviation. Calculate the Population Standard Deviation Calculate the mean or average of each data set. Add up all the numbers in a data set and divide by the total number of pieces of data. For example, if you have four numbers in a data set, divide the sum by four. This is the mean of the data set.Subtract the deviance of each piece of data by subtracting the mean from each number. Note that the variance for each piece of data may be a positive or negative number.Square each of the deviations.Add up all of the squared deviations.Divide this value by the number of items in the data set. For example, if you had four numbers, divide by four.Calculate the square root of the resulting value. This is the population standard deviation. See an example worked problem for variance and population standard deviation.